




Earth First! and The Monkey Wrench Gang
Response by Edward Abbey (author of Monkey Wrench) to the editorial about his book. Abbey first clarifies that in no way is Earth First! “pledged to ecological sabotage”, but rather they are dedicated to saving the environment and therefore must engage in “acts of civil disobedience where useful”. He then explains that the book is a fictional work, not a manifesto, and not to be taken as such. He ensures that however the reader chooses to interpret his work is the readers business and that if anyone feels impelled to act out the exploits in the book, that is a matter of their own individual conscience and to be decided on their own.
He then draws the distinction between the term terrorism and sabotage. Terrorism, he writes, is an act of deadly violence carried out against people and/or living things and gives the examples such as the government committing terrorism against its own citizens (like the incident at Kent State) or corporate entities doing the same against land and all the creatures who depend on that land for their lives and livelihoods (like Exxon or Mobil Oil). He draws the distinction that a bulldozer that tears up a mountainside for the possibility of strip-mining coal is the true terrorism; damning a flowing river or cutting down trees—these are examples of terrorism. The people who stop these machines and save the environment, he argues, are practicing sabotage. Sabotage is merely the application of force against inanimate property (such as machinery) and that is never used to conjunction with any violence against living creatures of any kind.
In the story, the Monkey Wrench Gang uses sabotage to protect the land against the true terrorism: that of industrialism. They do so only when all else fails and they are morally justified to defend nature. My favorite point he makes is here: “not only justified but a moral obligation, as in the defense of one’s own life…family…home…one’s own nature, against violent assault” (Abbey 335). Most people, environmentalist or not agree that endangered species issues are worth raising awareness if not worth protection (I know not everyone, but much more seem to agree on this than other issues); why can’t people raise awareness about endangered climates? What about endangered habitats and endangered ecosystems?
In lieu of our class discussion on Wednesday, I think his writing is extremely important. Sometimes you have to revert to extremes to get the job done. I refer not to sabotage directly, but even the justification of the sabotage and the language used in doing so. I think Hargrove’s quotation on page 334 about how Earth First! seems to be more radical than any other environmentalist group from the past is entirely accurate and the very point of their organization!! He writes of how environmentalist movements from the 20th century were effective; they were only effective in raising awareness of the issues. Nothing has truly worked thus far; just like in political campaigns, maybe it is time to resort to radical, extreme actions. If that works, then I see less harm in engaging in these ‘dangerous’ conversations than in NOT doing so. If I am not in class on Friday, don’t worry; I’ll be dancing on Rick Perry’s desk.
Today in class we talked about the global ramifications of continuing the global trends of over population and straining our finite supply of natural resources. We talked a lot about the global ramifications of continuing to squander our limited resources, but we did not focus on the consequences that apply only to us Americans.
One of the interesting points that I found in commoner that we didn’t get a chance to go over in class is the idea that at the current rate of population growth Americans will soon be overshadowed by the soon to be much larger populations of third world countries. This perspective interests me because when talking about overpopulation and the limitations of our earth sustainability, we normally do so from a global perspective. The argument made by some might be that because over population is a global problem that it affects everyone equally. This would be true if we were to limit ourselves to the lack of natural resources, and not also on massive over population in certain areas of the globe.
A nationalistic perspective on the issue of over population brings to mind a threat presented to the United States from third world countries. If third world countries continue to overpopulate, the United States and all other industrial countries around the globe are directly in danger of these populations, which the industrial world has exploited for so long. Therefore, even from a nationalistic perspective, it is in the best interest of individual nations, as well as the globe on the whole to control population growth.
This brings me back to another concept we discussed today in class: the invisible hand argument presented by Adam Smith in the wealth of nations. Smith argues that by a person acting in their own selfish interest, they inadvertently help the whole. We discussed today in class that the invisible hand model doesn’t work because of the problem of the tragedy of commons, or the idea that in a society where there is a limited amount of resources being used by an entire population, and that if one person in that population takes advantage of the supply of resources, the other people in that population will suffer.
My point is this, it is in the best interest of industrial nations to control the population growth of these third world countries so that they do not begin to outnumber those members of industrial countries and rebel against industrial nations. Thus it is in the best person interest of industrial nations to stagnate the population of third world countries, and at the same time by limiting the population of these countries industrialized nations would inadvertently help these countries achieve a higher standard of living and reduce the strain on the globes natural resources. This is how the invisible hand works and I contest that it applies just as well to this problem of overpopulation as it does in our nation, and Smith’s Wealth of Nations.
In his article “The Ecological Necessity of Confronting the Problem of Human Overpopulation” Garrett Hardin takes an essentially economic standpoint in assessing population. He critiques Jeremy Bentham’s idea of striving for ‘the greatest good for the greatest number’ yet retains utilitarianism conception of maximizing pleasures and minimizing pains. He uses this framework to explain how economic incentives can be used to assess situations of commonly owned property. The story of the ‘tragedy of the commons’ shows us that when property is not owned individually (or at least not privatized) each person using the land has an incentive to use too much of it because his costs are divided up between everyone who is using the land. He reaps all the benefits and yet suffers only a fraction of the losses.
Hardin then goes on to argue that the tragedy of the commons can inform the way we think about carrying capacity. Carrying capacity is “the maximum number of a species that can be supported indefinitely by a particular habitat, allowing for seasonal and random changes, without degradation of the environment and without diminishing carrying capacity in the future” (438). Hardin argues that how we treat the environment, animal populations, and ultimately human populations should be a function of the carrying capacity. He argues that through technology we can increase the world’s carrying capacity, but ultimately we, as a species, are going to have to take some serious steps to controlling our population.
While I agree that overpopulation is an extremely pertinent and difficult question, I believe that Hardin fundamentally is approaching the problem in the wrong way. He opts for an essentially technological solution to a technological problem. While he does include ‘knowledge’ as a part of his solution, the knowledge he advocates for is knowledge concerning contraceptives. Instead of knowledge, I would argue people need to better understand the problem. A well rounded education will do much more good than knowing how to use a condom. Perhaps at the heart of my critique of Hardin’s approach to the problem is that he sees human beings as things or objects instead of people. He says things like “the child who is saved today becomes a breeder tomorrow” and argues that dropping atomic bombs would be better than food: “for a few moments the misery would be acute, but it would soon come to an end for most of the people, leaving a very few survivors to suffer thereafter.” He denies the validity of the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Hardin ends with this statement: “A country that gives food to other countries must also insist on evidence of responsible actions. Only by such insistence can the donor nation make sure that the next generation in the recipient nation has a chance at a decent life. Making these tough conditions is the kindest thing we can do for the needy peoples of the world. And ultimately for the whole world” (442). While I am all for oversight, this statement is naively patronizing at best, and violently hubristic at worst. It assumes that we ‘the rich’ know what is best for them ‘the poor’ and that we could and should make decisions for others because they are not are not capable of making them for themselves. Overall, I find that Hardin’s approach to be deeply troubling. In his attempt to secure a ‘better life’ he sacrifices the most important aspect of human society: the ability to be treated as a full and robust human being.